The People, the Governance System and the Rulers of India: Can we do something to reconnect!
This article,( and hopefully some more in the series ) derive their inspiration from 5th Annual Governance lecture delivered at India International Centre by Mr Gopal Krishna Gandhi, the former Governor of West Bengal and our former High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and South Africa on September 1,2010 . Mr Gandhi narrated verse, quoted scripture, delved into the Constitution, deconstructed the National Emblem, drew attention to the fault lines, even as he offered hope, and held the audience spell bound with incidents, episodes, fictional accounts, newspaper reports, and constructed the larger meta-narrative of what has gone wrong with the nation’s tryst with destiny.
Gandhi’s main thesis was taken from the three lions on the Ashokan Pillar which preside over Satyamev Jayate. Truth Shall Prevail. For him the three lions represent three different entities – the ‘Awam – I- Hind’, (people of India) ‘‘Siyasat-I -Hind’’ (the government system) and the ‘‘Hukumat-I -Hind’ ‘(the rulers of India). While living in, interacting with, and operating within the same geographical domain, they are not looking towards, but away from each other! They also hide the fourth lion (or, the lioness –‘Zameer-I-Hind’ (the conscience of India), and in neglecting her, the three are perhaps in unison. While ‘Awam-I -Hind’ had strived hard to hand over ‘Siyasat-I Hind’ to a new ‘Hukumat’ in 1947, which they believed would deliver unto them the ideals of the founding fathers, the Hukumat-I Hind had been failing them systematically, and the introspective ones , including Nehru started realising it in the first few years itself. However, over the years the alienation of the Awam from the Hukumat has only intensified, and the Siyasat has ably aided and abetted this task by playing second fiddle to it. Almost every institution of governance, save and except noble exceptions like the Election Commission, the UPSC, HRC , CVC, the higher Judiciary and the CAG had succumbed to the Hukumat-I –Hind’s larger game plan of appropriating the wealth, resources and even the aspirations of the Awam. The role of big money in elections, business contracts, infrastructure projects, land acquisition had taken their toll, and most members of the ‘Siyasat –I-Hind’ were just not playing out the role envisaged for them by the founding fathers, both on account of fear of losing their tenure tracks, as also because of the carrots dangled out by the ‘Hukumat –I –Hind’ in the nature of post retirement sinecures.
However Hind, as an entity, as a collective consciousness, as a reference point and rallying point for ‘Awam-I Hind’ refused to yield ground, and had the ability to rise, phoenix like, for the ‘Awam-I -Hind’ has been changing its Hukumat every few years –but it has failed to change the ‘Siyasat’, or the system which the ‘Hukumat’ operates. Thus even as the stage actors change, the plot remains the same… Once in a while, Hukumat wants to bring in change, and wants to connect with the Awam, especially after the long and torturous campaigns to garner votes…but does the ‘Siyasat’ encourage it…Dies the ‘Siyasat’ want the RTI to be implemented in letter and spirit? Does the ‘Siyasat’ not know how to draft programmes, schemes and Missions in which discretion is limited, and transparency is the key…At this stage, a caveat is in order. It is important to place oneself in this episode… With twenty five years in the IAS, one is not ‘Awam’, and the closest alignment is perhaps with the ‘Siyasat –I- Hind’, though the aspiration to join the Hukumat is part of every officer’s DNA! The fond hope that things can be changed when one joins the ‘Hukumat’, and /or that unless the ‘Hukumat’ wants, or at least concurs, the Siyasat cannot make life easier for the Awam is the alibi that most of my ilk takes. Having taken this premise, pontificating becomes easy, especially as practise is not even intended.
This is going to be my meta narrative for understanding the ground realities of the country, and hopefully also offering some plausible options that steer the middle path, that call for introspection in ‘Hukumat-I -Hind’, redrawing of professional goals for ‘Siyasat-I -Hind’, and hope and empowerment within Awam-I Hind to understand that the ‘Siyasat-I -Hind’ and ‘Hukumat-I-Hind’ are actually dependent on them for their sustenance, and that they cannot let them trample on their legitimate demands and aspirations. ‘Siyasat-I- Hind’ and ‘Hukumat-I-Hind’ are in fact closer to each other than ‘Awam – I –Hind’ is aware, and their contradictions are more in the nature of degree. Here is a call for the ‘Siyasat –I-Hind’ to understand that they derive their legitimacy and strength from the Awam, and not the Hukumat, and that their real masters are the people of India, whom they are duty bound to serve, and as per the mandate set out by the Constitution. In their short sightedness, and /or lack of vision, ‘Siyasat-I –Hind’ is losing touch with the Awam, and the more distant it became from the Awam, the more it seeks shelter in the Hukumat!
Here is a clarion call to ‘Siyasat-I -Hind’ to build bridges with the Awam. Let’s go out and spend time with the Awam, visit the places s/he frequents, get into a queue, visit a public convenience, mingle our way to Ram Lila, join the muezzin’s call for prayer, and do whatever the Awam is doing. Let’s listen to the Awam, not when s/he comes as a supplicant seeking a favour, but while travelling as an ordinary passenger in an ordinary, or even a deluxe bus. I say this with humility, and a bowed head for as a member of the Siyasat, I have often sought to hold on to my exclusive spaces, and privileged access, whether on the highway, or at the airport, and have never had to visit a public utility office for getting the ‘simple bare necessities’ – a gas connection, sim card, power supply, passport, bank account, PAN card, railway or air ticket etal. One day after the lecture, (2nd September) and after placing things in perspective, I share my thoughts on how the different spheres of Hind operate.
Part 2
Last week, the column discusses the need for Siyasat-I-Hind to reconnect with the Awam, and give practical suggestions for making the system better. Even as the Awam changes the Hukumat every few years, the Siyasat has developed vested interests in which it is happier playing second fiddle to Hukumat for a handful of silver, rather than take the more challenging task of bringing systematic reforms to the governance of the country. After the lecture on September 1, yours truly visited Terminal 3 and ISBT at New Delhi within the span of a few hours, and record his impressions.
Different Strokes!
The differences come to the fore if, as with this essayist, one happens to visit the Terminal 3 and the ISBT (both in the National Capital Territory of Delhi) within a span of few hours. After receiving my mother, who was returning from the UK at Terminal 3 in the afternoon, where I was most impressed to see an entire series of Paresh Maity’s vibrant canvases, depicting both the symbolic and mundane aspects of India , I went to the ISBT to drop my son to catch a bus for Dehradun. I must add that while at the airport, I had tea with the Protocol officer of Customs, and exchanged pleasantries with the Immigration officials, (courtesy batch mates from across the services). Things were very smooth, and one was most impressed. India had arrived. However, all the good feelings and positive vibes that one had received at Terminal 3 were completely washed away, (literally) in the filth, stench, rain puddles, and ubiquitous plastic and absolute disorganisation at the Bus stand, where I went without any reference, for no batch mates are to be found at a Bus station. By all counts, more people use the ISBT than the terminal 3. But Hukumat-I Hind or Siyasat-I-Hind do not need or use the ISBT, and therefore there is scant attention paid to the absolute mess at ISBT, especially after a mild downpour. ISBT can also be showcased as an example of how efficient public systems can be run with a fraction of the investment we have spent on the airport, or the CWG. In fact, a well run ISBT will create a virtuous cycle of positive strokes among the Awam…PPPs can be introduced at the ISBT as well – and if the railway stations and metros can become clean, why not the bus terminus. One may well ask a simple question under the RTI- when did the LG/CM/CS/Transport Commissioner of NCT last visit the ISBT. The point is simple, the disconnect with Awam-I Hind is becoming wider with every passing day, and while it is true that ambitious individuals within Awam-I Hind are trying their level best to get out of this trap, and enter into the charmed circles, the House Full sign in ‘Siyasat-I -Hind’, and ‘House Full Forever- do not even Try’- sign before the Hukumat-I- Hind, are deterrents. The Awam will try to find a way to enter by knocking persistently, or finding a window, or scale the wall, but if they fail again and again, they may bring down the wall, as happened in Berlin just twenty years ago!
The system of co-option
How does this happen. Whoever is bright, or pushing, or ambitious is being co-opted by the Siyasat in the outermost fringes. The Panchayat functionary, the trade union leader, the employees’ nominee, the meritorious student, and the non -meritorious- lumpen who has enrolled himself in a degree course, but has the potential to blockade traffic and mobilise country cousins for political rallies and election campaign, the ambitious journalist from the muffasil, the street smart advocate, the tuition teacher who commands a premium for his Maths class – are all part of Awam – I-Hind, waiting to be co-opted in ‘Siyasat-I -Hind’, and seeking their individual salvation…That this should not happen is widely accepted.
The challenge is to find a way out of this . The Siyasat cannot be changed overnight, but given the right dose of technology and positive policy inputs, things can change. Let us start with some home truths, and how over a period of time, these have been structured into the system- either formally or informally. The question is why can’t it be accepted and … Take for example the catering services in a Rajdhani Train. The system has not provided that a meal should be provided for the TTEs, attendants and drivers. It is ‘accepted’ that this can be managed. Why should this be so? When tenders are issued, why is this not included? Why can’t every police station in the country have a good air-conditioned gymnasium and cafeteria attached to it, where membership and meals for all cops is free, but the public can access these services for some time slots in a day – for a cost. This will motivate people to visit the police station for reasons other than grievance redressed, the cops will be in good shape !More importantly, they will not be seen accepting freebies from the roadside stalls without payment. The issue here is not on whether it makes a difference to the tea stall owner, who like the railway contractor has already built the cost into his system , but what it does for the individual who gets sucked into the system without his wanting to …